Abstract
In this paper I ask three questions:
1. Are recent rises in the age at marriage in India being correctly attributed to positive changes in attitudes and aspirations?
2. Can we learn more about the impetus behind the rising age at marriage by looking at changes in the age at marriage of men rather than in women?
3. Just because raising the age at marriage has historically been advocated to lower fertility and population growth, does it follow that later marriage and childbearing are good for women and children too?
An exploration of the nuptiality transition in India suggests that it may not be as definitive as the term implies and that it may at least partly reflect an inability of men to marry for several reasons. The result – rising numbers of young unattached males – while good for population size, might not be so good for social and political stability.
1. Are recent rises in the age at marriage in India being correctly attributed to positive changes in attitudes and aspirations?
2. Can we learn more about the impetus behind the rising age at marriage by looking at changes in the age at marriage of men rather than in women?
3. Just because raising the age at marriage has historically been advocated to lower fertility and population growth, does it follow that later marriage and childbearing are good for women and children too?
An exploration of the nuptiality transition in India suggests that it may not be as definitive as the term implies and that it may at least partly reflect an inability of men to marry for several reasons. The result – rising numbers of young unattached males – while good for population size, might not be so good for social and political stability.
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Event ID
17
Session 2
Paper presenter
46 647
Type of Submissions
Regular session only
Language of Presentation
English
Initial First Choice
Initial Second Choice
Weight in Programme
1 000
Status in Programme
1