Return migration: trends and consequences

This paper deals with the displacement and repatriation of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) from Libya and Syria in 2011 (the process is on-going in Syria as of this writing) in connection with the Arab Spring or Arab Awakening. The displacement was the second largest repatriation of OFWs after the Gulf War of 1990-91. The mostly male, highly skilled or professional and legal profile of migrants in Libra vs. the mostly female, domestic work and unauthorized status of migrants in Syria shaped the different displacement, repatriation and return migration experiences of Filipino workers. The situation of Filipino domestic workers in Syria presented (and continues to pose) challenges for the Philippine government. The experience highlighted the need to strengthen reintegration programs and to make room for crisis or emergency-driven return migration. Among others, fostering dialogue and cooperation with destination countries would be crucial in ensuring the protection of migrants in crisis situations. Empirical support for the paper was based on a review of the literature, repatriation and reintegration policies and programs, and key informant with returnees, family members, and representatives of government agencies and local government units.

The paper present an overview of the current trends of international migrations in Spain with the aim to assess the extent and trends of return in the overall migratory context. We will examine return migration from a historical perspective in order to ascertain the relative impact of the current economic crisis. Thanks to micro-data treatment has made ​​an estimate of the return that is registering Spain and and description of its main features

This paper grapples with the interplay between involuntary return and the convergence of criminal and migration law that accompanies this process. Crimmigration – the term originally coined by Stumpf (2006) to demonstrate the asymmetric incorporation of criminal law into migration law – now seem to have a life on its own. Academic papers are full of crimmigrant bodies (Aas 2011), gendered crimmigrants (Hartry 2012) – either being deported or detained: foreigners in carceral age (Bosworth and Kaufman 2011). The deportation regime (De Genova and Peutz 2010) seem to extend to more states, and the borders between security of residence and deportability have never been so porous.

This paper juxtaposes the above debates in the European context. I give voice to those whose ‘lives are shaped by law’ (Sarat 1990) utilizing the data stemming from 270 qualitative interviews with return migrants in Brazil, Morocco and Ukraine from Norway, Netherlands, Portugal and the UK. Based on this evidence, I contest the overwhelming ‘crimmigration’ label and propose a return to its original employment, as empirical facts inadvertently escape the overly simplistic categories and terms. I discuss the intersections of criminal and migration law and how they play out in immigrants’ everyday lives, affecting their voluntary and involuntary return.

The purpose of the study is to determine if taking time since immigration into account would help making better projections of the emigration. The study includes all persons that immigrated to Sweden 1997 2009. For this population event history analyzes has been used in models containing the fixed variables sex, age at immigration, country of birth and reason for residence permit and the time varying variables citizenship, employment status and parenthood. The results show that the relationship between re-emigration and time in Sweden is strong among persons born in countries with a high development level and is nearly non-existent for persons born in countries with a low level of development. The results also show that the propensity to re-emigrate is much higher among work migrants than among refugees and it is more common to re-emigrate if one is male, younger, childless, unemployed and if that person does not have Swedish citizenship.

This paper analyses the relationship between migration duration and occupational changes, using the case of Indian expatriates in the Gulf States. De jure, permanent migration to a Gulf state is almost impossible, leaving a (renewable) temporary work visa the only option available for Indian migrants. De facto, however, ‘temporary’ stay can last for years or even decades, and thus, questions about the factors influencing the timing of return become relevant. This analysis, based on two rounds of the Kerala Migration Survey (KMS 2008 and 2009), aims to deepen our understanding about the relationship between return migration, labour market activity and occupational change among Indian expatriates returning from the Gulf region. In particular, we investigate whether the length of stay in the Gulf depends on migrants’ occupational trajectories before, during, and after the migration experience. We find some significant effects of transitions in labour market activity on the length of stay abroad. In particular, the prospect of acquiring an occupation which entails upward social mobility (mainly in the public sector or self-employment) seems to be associated with a shorter stay in the Gulf states, whereas the prospect of post-return labour market drop-out significantly increases migration duration.

So far, the academic literature about the role of the family for return migration, reintegration and re-emigration remains scarce. This paper aims to fill this gap by taking the example of Armenian return migrants and providing an analysis of the influence of family networks on the individual’s decision-making to return, on patterns of reintegration as well as on intentions to re-emigrate. This explorative study is based on 350 structured interviews with Armenian returnees. It takes the situation before departure, the experiences abroad and the return and post-return conditions into account. In doing so, this research acknowledges the dynamic nature of migration. Besides investigating the impact of the family on emigration decisions, return motivations and reintegration circumstances, this paper examines the significance of cross-border family networks for return migrants’ plans to re-emigrate.

While recent two decades have paid increased attention to return migration of Russian compatriots to Russia and to implementation of Russian governmental scheme of aiding voluntary return of compatriots living abroad to the Russian Federation. On the 1st of July 2012 more than 80000 compatriots have migrated to 36 regions of Russia from CIS, Baltic States, Israel, USA, Germany etc. with the help of governmental scheme and about 180000 are being on different stages of resettlement.
Compatriots are considered the most favourable migrants, because they know language, culture, traditions and they accommodate better than other migrants do. Now more than 25 million of Russian and Russian-speaking people live abroad. The part of this population forms the migratory potential, which Russia can receive for medium-term outlook
According to the governmental scheme the federal government provide compatriots with: citizenship, public assistance, payment for passage and baggage delivery, extraordinary grant. The local authorities must help compatriots with placing in a job.
The aim of this study is twofold. First, we want to estimate the volume, directions and potential of this migration flow. Second, with the use of statistical indexes we determine the effects of coming back on regional socio-demographic characteristics.

Child migrants face new opportunities and barriers to upward mobility across receiving contexts. This paper draws on nationally representative household data in Mexico (ENADID: 2009) and in the United States (ACS: 2006-2010) to examine the growing populations of US born children living in Mexico and Mexican born children living in the United States. The focus is on differential school enrollment patterns by children’s nativity in each country with attention to comparing those from migrant sending and non-migrant households. The results reveal that, adjusting for household resources and household-level migration experience, US born children lag behind in school enrollment at younger ages in Mexico. The analyses provide some preliminary evidence that US born children encounter some structural barriers to school enrollment that are not shared by their Mexican born counterparts. However, the enrollment disadvantage is ameliorated among older children. There is much less age variability in school enrollment among US born children in the United States with more rapid attrition from school on the part of their Mexican born counterparts.

The complexity of family arrangements that constitute the return migration of Brazilians from Paraguay can be identified as an important element in maintaining the circularity between the two countries. The return plays an important role in migrants’ direction and in the daily interpersonal relationships between migrants and non-migrants, either in Brazil or Paraguay, forming a web of friendship and solidarity that sustain this intense cross-border transit of people, goods and information. Thus, in order to understand the phenomenon of migration as a social product, not only as a result of individual decisions and / or economic and political constraints, it is necessary to consider the key role played by social networks, mostly those related to families and households in the entire process. This paper describes the changes in volume and composition of family arrangements of Brazilian returnees from Paraguay in the five-year periods 1986/1991, 1995/2000 and 2005/2010 and raise some points for reflection and discussion on the participation of families in the migration process and circularity of these migrants. Information from the Brazilian Demographic Censuses of 1991, 2000 and 2010 will be used to do so, and to estimate the direct and indirect effects of international migration return to that country.

India's migration histories which is centuries old is diverse and complex . Approximately 20 million Indian migrant workers live world wide. In 1970s US was most preferred destination for skilled Indians who could not get satisfactory job in India. This was termed as brain drain. This raised concern of losing educated work force. Highly skilled Indians emigrated for better employment opportunities. Bright young Indians emigrated for education .Semi/ unskilled workers flew to South East Asia and Gulf countries where Indian Diaspora resides. Remittances from them have grown considerably as India being world's leading remittance receiving country. Mumbai, Bangalore and Hyderabad serve as corridors for international mobility of Indian professionals. Many immigrants are now returning home to take advantage of new economic opportunities, reconnect their families or if pushed out due to racial problems, negative attitudes towards migrants and increasing unemployment problems. They function as bridges between their new home and country of origin by facilitating transfer of technology, capital and expertise. They bring skills, work experience, and global connections and prefer to settle in areas where better living conditions are available. This brain circulation can be beneficial to both developing and developed countries.